Chapter 8 is a pilot study conducted by the authors, investigating an
ignored issue, which is the Arab perceptions towards the major languages
(Arabic, Hebrew and English) in Israel. This study is done by collecting data
from Arab students in high schools and in colleges from different parts of
Israel. The aim is to understand how policy makers interpret and practice
various language policies on the Arab minority, and if they succeeded in
realizing the Arabs attitude toward different languages or not. The results show
that Arab participant perceive Arabic as a symbol of identity, but the Arabic
curriculums are designed to minimize this aspect and emphasize the linguistic
part only. On the other hand, Arab perceive Hebrew as only a second language,
but the curriculum is emphasizing the Jewish culture and identity. This paradox
indicates that Israeli language policies failed to meet the

         After that,
the authors discuss how Hebrew language is imposed on Arabs as a second
language to raise a new Arab generation that are completely loyal to Israel.
This ideology is not done through education only, but also by dominating Hebrew
in the Arabs’ daily lives. Regarding the foreign languages, both Arabs and
Jewish are learning English as a first foreign language, yet there is a vast
difference between their level of proficiency. Jewish students are better than
Arabs due to the rapid exposure to English in the Jews daily lives. While,
teachers of the Arab schools are not trained, and the curriculum does not meet
the Arab needs. French also emerged as a second foreign language that all
students in Israel must learn during the elementary level, while it is optional
in the higher levels. Arab ignore learning French, although it increases their
opportunities in having jobs, because they are overwhelmed with three
languages, struggling to acquire them.

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         Chapters four
to seven tackle the transformation in the curriculum and policies of the four
official languages in Arab schools. Israeli Ministry of Education allows for
using Arabic as a language for instruction, but ignores any demands of
improving the status of Arabic language in Israel. Instead, there is a tendency
toward Hebraization, even among Arabs, due to the usefulness of Hebrew in the
public sphere. Thus, this poor status of Arabic constitutes a threat for Arabs
to lose their identities. Moreover, socio-political developments in the region
has affected the language policies for Arabic education. Israel consider Arabic
as the language of the enemy, so it will not give it any true consideration,
and the decline of the statue of Arabic will continue.

          Chapter
three examines the linguistic repertoire of the Arab minority as a result of
the political developments discussed in chapter two. During the British Mandate
period, Palestinian linguistic repertoire is restricted to their own dialect
due to the simple nature of their lives. English was spoken only by educators
in the cities. After the establishment of Israel, Hebrew emerged as a dominant
and an official language, and Arabic was minimized to become the language of
minority, while English lost its status. Now, there are four official languages
at Arab schools in Israel. Arabic is the language of instruction, Hebrew is
taught as a second language and English and French are taught as foreign
languages.

          Chapter two
discusses the internal and external developments of Arab society in Israel.
Regarding the external developments, since 1948 until the Peace Agreement,
Arabs in Israel are suffering from isolation. Although they are considered
citizens of Israel, but the feeling that they are part of the Arab world still
exist. Consequently, this paradox makes Arabs unable to integrate in the
Israeli society which affected their economic and social lives. Meanwhile, the
internal developments which includes: demographic, sociopolitical and education
aspects have an impact over the Arabs. Focusing on the education, which is my
concern, the public education system of Israel is divided into two sections:
Arabic schools and Jewish schools. The Israeli government considers such policy
as a democratic approach. In reality, the Arab schools are in a poor condition;
consequently, about half of the Arab students drop out before high school. This
poor situation was ignored by the Arabs due to the political struggles they
face. But after 1980s, Arab started to realize the importance of education in
order to preserve their language and identity. They demand for equality with
Jewish education system, and start questioning why Arab curriculums include
Hebrew language, Jewish history, and Zionist literature while Jewish are not
required to learn the Islamic literature.

         This book is
divided into eight chapters, tackling the historical, political and regional
development and the situation of Arabic, Hebrew and English. Besides discussing
ideologies and attitudes towards each language in Israel. Chapter one introduces
the reader to language policy in general, and how multilingual countries have
different language policies for different reasons. In Israel, language policy
is established due to the ideology of Jewish-Zionist state, which aim to build
a Jewish national identity by reviving Hebrew, in order to make it dominate
over the two official languages in Palestine (English and Arabic).
Consequently, Hebrew dominates, and Arabic became the language of Arab minority
in Israel.

This book is chosen to be reviewed due to the recent
political development in Palestine. Also, this book receives little attention,
although it documents the repression of Arabic language in Israel. This makes
that book valuable for anyone interested in language policy of the Arab region.
The authors aim to address the impact of language policy on forming the Arab
language education, by exploring historical, economical, demographical, external
and internal factors. Furthermore, they investigate how the ideology of Zionist
plays a major role in employing education to minimize the identity of the Arab
minority.

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